The African intelligentsia has not left out the contemporary issues, indeed post-independence in Ghana and Nigeria as in many African countries, was an avalanche of socio-political encounters including social inequality, mass illiteracy, corruption, lack of patriotism, ethnocentrism, tribalism. Some writers like Armah’s in his work on The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born [1], and Chinua Achebe’s Essay Writing the Trouble with Nigeria [2], have expressed their opinions on current prejudices in Africa’s government politics. These authors criticise the elite class that took over the colonial administration, which is still in its inability to meet the requirements of the populations and work for the advancement of their countries through innovative politics. Otherwise, thinkers like Gakwandi The Novel and Contemporary Experience in Africa [3], already mentioned that the main pursuits are wealth and power, leading to a disregard for any moral or social considerations in the drive to satisfy individual desires, while Frantz Fanon in The Wretched of the Earth [4] observed leadership in Africa “the national bourgeoisie strung to defend its immediate interests and see no further than the end of its nose, incapable of bringing national unity.” He concludes that the leading class is selfish and mediocre. It lacks vision and cannot make positive decisions or take action towards achieving big things. Instead, they are only concerned with their self-satisfaction, which is detrimental to the people they are supposed to lead.

The socio-political backdrop is at stake of disgraces in postcolonial Ghanaian and Nigerian societies giving a large echo to the rest of the African countries. The extent to which Armah and Achebe express dissatisfaction with contemporary African socio-political injustice is examined. The analysis follows the logical structure of the African novel with a clear flow of changes that occur with postcolonial disillusionments. We may ask objective questions such as: How do authors value independence in their countries? What are the solutions that could be proposed to tackle issues for the benefit of the entire continent?

It argues that early leaders coming out of Western educational institutions failed to use their education for the benefit of the African people.  Africans will get their sovereignty if they succeed in having the head of their state true leaders who have the qualities suggested by both authors for effective leadership. By using a Marxist approach, we analysed the theme through a review of different situations in Armah’s characterisation in his fiction in Ghana and Achebe’s survey on the socio-political situation in his country, to better understand the current socio-political prejudices in independent African countries. After analysing the intellectuals’ indictment on Africa’s political leaders in the authors’ literary production, we will be interested in the morally corrupt and despotic leaders before talking about true measures for effective leadership recommendations.

The Intellectuals’ Indictment on Africa’s Political Leaders

The corruption rampant in Ghana and Nigeria renders “independence” meaningless, with uncontrolled dishonesty dominating Nigerian life. Achebe’s text reflects the fears of independent African countries. The oppressive machinery was not only retained in Africa but was also improved. Armah and Achebe contend that the political machine was so mistreated that no matter how it was handled, it yielded identical outcomes, hence, the intervention of literary thinkers on the issues. How do authors value independence in their countries? Achebe implies that the aftermath of independence is evident in the leadership of post-colonial Africa. He notes: “Nigerians are what they are only because their leaders are not what they should be” [2]. In The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born [1], the author conveys resentment towards the collective acceptance of corruption and bribery as a rule to prosperity in Ghana. The protagonists do not align with the prevailing socio-political norms, why the anonymous clerk, working in the administration, is tempted by his ambitious wife and influential acquaintances, including the politician known as Minister Joseph Koomson, to pursue the search for wealth and participate in their fraudulent get-rich-quick schemes. He is expected to use his authority to aid in these pursuits.

Armah’s novel presents a bleak portrayal of corruption and self-interest in Ghana, reflecting the belief of some independent Ghanaians who think that success can only be achieved through deception and robbery. As the author portrays Ghanaian society in his first novel, if morality were valued in the eyes of people, the man would be praised for not participating in the corruption that people often call ironically the “national sport.” Here a person’s value is measured by what he can do or have. It highlights the selfishness of the leaders who assumed control after colonialism in the exit of former administrators. The abuse of leadership in the novel is primarily seen in Koomson’s government and even among people in low positions in the setting, such as conductors, boatmen, watchmen, clerks, and drivers. Whereas Achebe in The Trouble with Nigeria, tackles the issues by underlining the political prejudices in his country he sees as the most common problem deal in his essay. He sustains that the Nigerian people are not different from other Africans. However, what matters is the political system which is favourable to the wealthy people and the elite class and imposes their supremacy on the poor masses by perpetuating corruption and exploitation for their personal benefit. Achebe notes:

“Knowledgeable observers have estimated that as much as 60 percent of the wealth of its nation is regularly consumed by corruption. I have no doubt that defenders of our system would retort: Mere rumor! Where is the proof? No one can offer ‘satisfactory’ proof for the simple reason that nobody issues a receipt for a bribe or for money stolen from the public [2].”

Unfortunately, in Nigeria’s case, the author contends that the system will always be on the defensive since they are proficient at concealing proof of economic underdevelopment. Public funds are wasted, and nobody takes on the responsibility of exposing this destructive tendency. 

Achebe asserts that the negative aspects of the old are preserved and compounded by the addition of detrimental features of the new. He sustains that his “frank and honest opinion is that anybody who can say that corruption in Nigeria has not yet become alarming is either a fool, a crook or else does not live in this country” [2]. The alarming situation in the country is something that every conscious citizen can confirm its existence, which is not a good image of the integrity of the country and its people. Besides, A Man of The People [5], depicts those who worship materialism and the ones who disregard cultural values as representative of the indictment on post-colonial Africa. This novel paradoxically portrays a leader who claims to serve the people but is merely focused on personal interests. This situation typically causes Nigerians to criticize not the former colonial powers, but rather their leaders who are deemed unpatriotic for being the main perpetrators in such scenarios. Indeed, the political situation in Nigeria as depicted in Achebe’s essay is the result of the socio-political situation of the country that ended with one of the deadliest battles known as the Biafran^[1] War in the history of the continent in Al J. Venter’s Biafra’s War (1967-1970): A Tribal Conflict in Nigeria That Left a Million Dead [6].

According to Uko and Emeryonu in Emerging Perspectives on Chinua Achebe [7], ministers have been known to steal girlfriends of poor intellectuals, and women, married or else, are subjected to endless instances of seduction. This suggests that post-colonial leaders utilise their material wealth to gain favour with women. This similar situation in Armah and Achebe’s work mirrors others’, indeed, in some African countries elites have expelled skilled and trustworthy ministers and replaced them with fake ones, as seen in the examples of Patrice Lumumba of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Thomas Sankara. Otherwise, Rwafa postulates in his article titled Song and Political Satire in the Play, The Honourable MP, declares:

“Things have gone out of control. The ideals of liberation have been shattered to the extent that they are beyond redemption. Corruption, bribery, abuse of women, nepotism, accumulation of material wealth and greed have taken centre stage in post-independent Zimbabwe and other African nations. Through this play the author paints a grotesque picture of Zimbabwe’s political scene, where politicians condemn ex-combatants, denounce the ideas of Karl Marx, Mao, Qadhaffi, Ngugi and all those philosophers whose ideas stoked the fire of the liberation struggle” [8].

These same socio-political prejudices noted in Ghana and Nigeria are relevant in Zimbabwe and other African nations. Politicians at independence showed their disagreements against the pan-Africanist revolutionaries and ideologists that considerably contributed to the rise of the consciousness of their people in the quest for freedom from imperialism. This was done to politically silence the critics of their governance. Politicians often use repressive machinery in African countries, leading to the killing of true leaders who dared to criticize authority.

At independence, African leaders assumed full control and demonstrated a desire to remain in power until their death. Several post-colonial African leaders, for instance, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, declared themselves life presidents. These leaders, including Ahmadou Ahidjo of Cameroon, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Sekou Toure of Guinea, Kamuzu Banda of Malawi, and Mobutu Se Seko of former Congo-Zaire, established one-party states and promoted the idea of a single country, leader, and ruling party. 

By adhering to his call for change and renewal, Armah argues in The Eloquence of the Scribes [9] that neither African politicians nor academics can bring about the desired change, to illustrate the behaviour of today’ African leader and their governance. In these lines, the discourse of contemporary politicians is examined through the lens of illusion. The comparison is made to the nationalistic politicians of the 1970s, who used a hardened discourse. However, it is noted that despite this difference in approach, little meaningful action is being undertaken. In these perspectives, he advances that:

“Our problem is that we think our politicians can lead us, but politicians cannot be Africans – yet. An African identity is not a five-year plan. It is a long-range necessity, required sustained, intelligent, determined planning. That is work for cultural workers, the kind of intellectuals who can spend twenty, forty years working on a problem, so systematically that after they die, their colleagues can continue their work, at higher levels” [10].

From this analysis, Armah refrains from making subjective evaluations of politicians’ behaviour, while, in his first novel The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born [1], he paradoxically depicts a politician embodied by Joseph Koomson, during Kwame Nkrumah’s administration, his wife Etella Koomson followers, who are individualists breaking all social norms. Their only concern is their egocentric attitude, which compromises all possibilities of cultural advancement in their society. Minister Koomson is not necessarily a model for Africa’s leadership. 

It can be understood that external forces apply pressure to politicians regardless of their position, but succumbing to these influences is what ensures political stability. According to the author, individuals are predetermined, with no need for personal careers, and fail due to the imposition of Western education. He advocates that Western schooling propagates self-deprecatory attitudes towards African politicians, leading them to believe they are superior to those who have not attended their institutions, thus perpetuating supremacy and profit. As a result, the writer paints them as individuals who make no effort to overcome such structures. In the few instances where they do, they consider it impractical and continue perpetuating political prejudices. 

Morally Corrupt and Despotic Leaders

As a definition of the concept morally corrupt means in the Collin’s online dictionary[2], someone who is corrupt behave in a morally wrong way, by doing dishonest or illegal things in return for money or power, while despotism[3] is defined as cruel and unfair governance by a ruler or rulers who have a lot of power. In Armah’s Osiris Rising [10], Armah, his questioning of Ast regarding the “subversive” article discovered in her handbag Seth is described as a security chief and corrupt politician. He clarifies that the article pertains to a secret society that was active during the period of slavery. When questioned about his concerns regarding a group that solely works towards the elimination of dehumanising force, Seth reveals his strong affiliations: “Slavery in Africa cannot be viewed as an inhumane practice.” He even perceives Ast’s sarcastic comment, “You must belong to the African slavery was a beautiful school of thought,” as a genuine compliment. Even when she confronts him directly, accusing him of serving the interests of the Western metropolis, he remains unmoved. “That makes you a subcontractor in the defence of Europe and America.” The writer attempts to denigrate Seth by portraying him as an oddity who regards severe allegations as forms of praise. This tendency to criticise wicked characters, which may eventually lead to a shallow thematic discussion through overly simplistic or ironic depictions of individuals and circumstances, is noteworthy. Seth’s accounting for Africa’s political autonomy can be observed. We encounter the same complex reasoning and yet again Armah manages to satisfy critics by clarifying his position on how he assesses current political leaders in the continent: 

“It’s a layman understanding to consider independence a revolt against white power. We, the authorities in Africa, we accept the framework established by the Western powers. There was only one thing wrong with colonialism. It denied responsible Africans participation in the managing system. At the elite level, independence solved that” [10]. 

This acceptance of white supremacy over Africa by the current elite group is the main fact that restricts the cultural improvement of the African continent. Material goods and money are held by the minority groups in African countries that hold control over everything with the collaboration of the former masters, the Western power. Consequently, in Armah’s novel, Seth serves as the orator for these politicians in independent Ghana and Nigeria. He depicts him as further reinforcing the idea that so-called African politicians lack any visionary qualities. He suggests that Africa should be governed by a parasitic group that hires security contractors to guarantee their safety when in power. 

In The Beautiful Ones Are Not Yet Born, he uses intense descriptions of the polluted environment, bodily fluids, decay, and waste to illustrate the prevalent corruption on different levels. Despite the conductor’s familiarity with corrupt practices, he was confronted with an obstacle to his ways. But among all this, he erroneously returns the wrong amount of change to the passenger who gave him a cedi^[4]. The conductor deceives his customers to fulfil his desires and increase his profits. The individual who gave him a cedi was deeply sleeping on the bus with his eyes wide open, exhibiting his vigilance. According to Palmer, the bus represents a nation, a community, or a country that embodies a state of decay. The allegorical meaning is that the passengers symbolize the ordinary citizens of Africa; while the driver embodies the head of state that conspires to deceive people, and if caught, he corrupts them to cover up his act. Consequently, corruption is seen here as a genuine enterprise of disloyal actions masked by the heads and perpetuated by society itself. It is akin to a contagious ailment in current African societies, associated with disarray, extreme poverty and loss of dignity. Whereas, in Gakwandi’s words while dealing with the novel: “Wealth and power have become the principal pursuits and the inevitable result the situation is a complete disregard of any moral or social considerations in the drive to satisfy individual desires” [3]. Armah’s first novel confirms the existence of corruption in the Ghanaian society the author strongly denounces. He also expresses the theme of political betrayal and cultural dislocation but also moral corruption where individuals such as the minister Koomson and his kind are notorious for utilizing their positions as a means of pursuing romantic relationships. 

Similarly, a character Pfende in Musengezi’s The Honourable MP [11], sexually assaulted Sabina, one of his office cleaners. Musengezi also demonstrates the corruption of leaders, as evidenced by MP Pfende who, after being elected into power, ignored the persistent threat of drought and instead pursued personal wealth. Besides, in the February-March 2005 edition of Yonake Yona, a South African analyst argues that Armah highlights the vulnerability of human nature. Sister Maanan is representative of all Ghanaian women who have been let down by their husbands and politicians. Maanan was disappointed after developing a romantic interest in the new Member of Parliament. It is common for individuals in positions of power to sexually exploit girls to satisfy their desires. The woman selling bread expects Koomson to have a girlfriend, as it is prevalent for influential men to have multiple partners. “Have you ever seen a man of influence without female companions? Even the older ones” [1]? Armah emphasises his perspective with symbols of sexual drawings in the toilet, suggesting that corrupt men are linked with sexual activities. Young women were subjected to sexual abuse by party members in exchange for blouses, perfumes from diplomatic bags, and wigs made of hair scraped from the corpses of white women. This is a tragic example of sexual exploitation by politicians. One particularly disturbing instance involves government funds being used to hire venues for prostitution.

For Africans being dishonest in Ghana is sometimes considered as a means to attain success. Koomson’s income is inadequate to purchase all the possessions he covets. His focus is on amassing wealth and negotiating personal deals, frequently at the expense of his peers. He, for instance, manoeuvres the fishing boat program to win over Oyo and her mother by pledging to make them wealthy with the boat, which is registered under his daughter’s name, Princess. The women are frequently exploited and seldom receive a small portion of the fish catch. Objective observations reveal that a black man attempting to imitate a European is a daunting proposition, as noted by Armah. It is lamentable that Africans occasionally participate in the exploitation of their fellow black individuals. He states, “How long will Africa be plagued with its own leaders?” Koomson, having succumbed to corruption, is culpable of sacrificing his people’s future for personal comfort. He leads an extravagant lifestyle, owning illegally acquired fashionable vehicles and possessions. This novel can be interpreted as a fictional account of Fanon’s concepts of the bourgeoisie [4]. The domestic bourgeoisie is likely to be satisfied with serving as the Western bourgeoisie’s intermediary, and it will carry out its responsibilities without reservation in a respectable manner. However, this same profitable position, its low purpose, prejudice, and lack of aspiration signify the incompetence of the domestic middle class to fulfil its historical obligations as a fully-realised bourgeoisie. Here, the dynamic and pioneering aspects, characteristic of inventors and discoverers of new worlds in all national bourgeoisies, are tragically absent. Armah thus describes a society where to obtain something, one must accept bribes, or worship the so-called politicians to get access to a certain comfort and prestige.

In Achebe’s essay, corruption has resulted in Nigeria’s failure to achieve independence. He comments on the pervasive corruption in Nigerians’ lives and reiterates the concerns of other African independent states. The suppressive machine employed by the ruling class was not only prevalent in Africa but also implemented by them. Achebe further observes that neglect of the political institution has led to consistent and predictable outcomes, consequently reinforcing existing power structures. He suggests that the legacy of colonialism is evident in post-colonial African rule. 

I must now touch, however briefly, on the grace undermining of national discipline which the siren mentality of Nigerian leaders fosters. In all civilized countries the siren is used in grave emergencies by fire engines, ambulances and the police in actual pursuit of crime. Nigeria, with its remarkable genius of travesty, has found a way to turn yet another useful invention by serious-minded people elsewhere into a childish and cacophonous instrument for the celebration of status [2]. 

This shows the level of deflation of the Nigerian people in some crucial moments. Some of them are described by the author as not considering the national discipline into account as would every serious country in case of emergencies. They prefer mocking by using these siren instruments the author calls “siren mentality” to celebrate a position that they think is more important.

African writers concur that decolonisation and independence fail to deliver genuine autonomy in African nations. The aspirations of the lower classes seem unconvincing since colonial rule has bequeathed a legacy of capitalism and the exploitative system concomitant with it in African countries. Consequently, the new African elites endorsed the policies of their erstwhile colonisers by suppressing their populace and maintaining lifelong domination. The anticipations of shared power in African society have been belied. Independent African leaders describe a situation in which a small group benefits from the suffering of the majority. The new rulers in power are unable to govern the country efficiently. It is widely acknowledged in post-colonial countries, such as Ghana and Nigeria, that self-interest is the driving force of political action. Political leaders exploit their power to enrich themselves, utilizing the resources of the nation. The majority’s needs are left unfulfilled due to the greed of a select few. In Africa, the public may wrongly believe they have a significant place in national affairs, while the true power lies with the privileged few. Regrettably, African leaders frequently prioritize their personal interests and wealth over the public good.

Measures for Effective Leadership and Recommendations

At present, in light of Africa’s demand for capable leadership, some solutions are proposed to tackle issues for the benefit of the entire continent. For good leadership, it is necessary to outline the ideal type of leader that the continent requires. Not just any leader will suffice in addressing Africa’s challenges. Following Achebe’s recommendation Africa needs leaders who possess a comprehensive understanding of its problems and are willing to utilise sincere leadership to resolve them. Leadership is a contextual activity, and its rules and principles are context-sensitive. A leader who moves from one place to another may find it challenging to adjust to their new surroundings unless they can appropriately adapt. While some aspects of leadership are universal, their application, principles, and utilization of qualities and styles depend on the specific characteristics of the field where the leader is acting. 

Here are some characteristics of effective leadership that Africa requires to achieve sustainable development. Leaders in Africa must possess personal attributes and professional skills that can be applied towards solving the continent’s challenges. They need not necessarily be from Africa, have an anti-Western stance or be of black ethnicity. A good leader must be also a true patriot as suggested by Achebe in these lines:

“A true patriot will always demand the highest standards of his country and accept nothing but the best for and from his people. He will be outspoken in condemnation of their short-coming without giving way to superiority, despair or cynicism. That is my idea of a patriot. Patriotism is the first step of somebody aiming to be a good leader. A true patriot makes more sacrifices of his country and never complains about what his country must do for him. As a true servant for his people, he must be honest and trustworthy. He must not be anguish or pessimistic in some situation in his country” [2].

Armah as Achebe’s recommendations emphasize that the effectiveness of a leader should be measured by their ability to raise public awareness. However, he does not provide any clear guidance on how to identify these leaders - intellectuals who can elevate the consciousness of their people and lead successfully despite challenges. Instead of providing opinions, readers can observe how Armah’s as Achebe’s attention is redirected towards peripheral reflections on personal achievements and legacies, and how the historical accounts of these leaders must be recorded for future generations. They believe that aspiring leaders run the risk of not leading at all, as the act of sharing knowledge blurs the lines between leaders and followers, with little differentiation between the two. He argues that if knowledge becomes universal, leaders who rely on their individuality to strengthen their position will be obsolete. However, for this to occur, politicians act with greater transparency in the execution of their duties and step aside when the duty is done.

Eventually, Armah, and Achebe, acknowledge that disillusionment stems from the post-independence era. Thus, many Africans were constantly striving for independence to liberate themselves from the oppression of the West. In light of this, the two authors align themselves with the cultural revolutionists, who defend against neo-colonialism and promote a culture of internal focus by adopting an offensive approach. The issue with contemporary African politics is the tendency to attribute the responsibility for governance to the colonial encounter, although the fault is mainly placed on various other factors such as corruption, nepotism, media manipulation, social differentiation, dishonest political practices, disregard for democratic values, deceitful politics, ethnic politics, normalization of election violence and coup d’état. Fighting corruption and despotism is essential for the development of Africa’s economy and integrity. Corruption and poor governance hinder the continent’s development prospects. Therefore, Africans must persist in investing in new policies to alter attitudes. In addition, it is essential to educate the public on the advantages of socio-cultural values, such as citizenship and leadership, and further encourage them to adopt acts of patriotism to strengthen their nation. By doing so, Africans can guarantee a more promising future for themselves and for generations to come.

[1] Biafran war: It was only after the Biafran War – when the real exploitation of the country’s oil resources began that the money started coming in; and with it came graft, malfeasance, greed, corruption and the kind of dislocation of the great colonial administration and many of the fine British traditions that had originally put Nigeria on the international map. It is worth noting that until independence in 1960, Nigerian tribal enmities that had been kept firmly under control by the exiguous British administration were now becoming serious – but even then, things just muddled along… until the putsch. What happened was that some junior Ibo army officers – quite a few of them critical of the corruption spiral that emerged after independence; others with strong socialist inclinations, together with a few Yoruba officers – assassinated several prominent northern and western political figures. These included Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Hausa-Fulani Premier of the Northern Region, together with Chief Akintola, the Premier of the Western Region, as well as two Federal Ministers: Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh. The people killed were the leaders of the nation and the murders shocked the Federation like no other political act before or since independence. Besides their positions in government, some were Islamic spiritual leaders – and as all the news reports declared, this was an extremely serious business. Overnight, the Ibos of the south-east (who had always caused much resentment in the north anyway) were suddenly cast as dangerous enemies of Islam.

[2] https://www.collinsdictionary.com/dictionary/english/morally-corrupt.

[3] https://www.collinsdictionary.com/dictionary/english/despotism

[4] Cedi: the basic monetary unit of Ghana. “Cedi.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/cedi. Accessed 27 Aug. 2023. 

Both outstanding postcolonial writers have given their opinions about Africa’s predicaments. Theyagree that the rulers, who were educated in Western institutions, failed to use their education for the benefit of the African people. They express their reservations about the role the elites have played in the political and social upheavals on the continent. According to Armah and Achebe, the African elites were more concerned with their ambitions than with the welfare of their people. They betrayed the trust of those who elected them by enriching themselves and their
families. Armah and Achebe believe that the intellectuals have a responsibility to use their expertise to address the challenges of African society by becoming more responsive to the needs and aspirations of the people they govern. In conclusion, Armah and Achebe express their disappointment with African political elites using Ghana and Nigeria as two examples that exemplify most African countries that lost hope due to the corrupt values that prevailed after independence. However, the latter ones fail to set up an effective system that meets the African continent’s requirement. Both authors believed that these elites had failed in their duty to modernise and develop the African continent. However, one may ask a question. Do African leaders of modern times take into account the recommendation of the intellectuals to change the conditions of their nations? Even though this book was written later, most of the issues Armah and Achebe discuss hold to modern Ghana, Nigeria and other African countries. Corruption, civil disobedience, and tribalism, lack of patriotism, mass illiteracy and greed are killing administrations.

1. Armah, A.K. The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born. Ghana: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 1968.

2. Achebe, C. The Trouble with Nigeria. Heinemann Educational Books, 1984.

3. Gakwandi, S.A. The Novel and Contemporary Experience in Africa. Nairobi: African Publishing Company, 1977.

4. Fanon, F. The Wretched of the Earth. London: Penguin, 1967. (Original work published 1961).

5. Achebe, C. A Man of the People. Nigeria: Heinemann, 1966.

6. Venter, A.J. Biafra’s War 1967–1970: A Tribal Conflict in Nigeria that Left a Million Dead. Helion and Company. 2016.

7. Uko, E. Emerging Perspectives on Chinua Achebe. Edited by Ernest Emenyo̲nu, vol. 1, 2004.

8. Rwafa, U. "Song and political satire in the play the honourable MP (1987)." Muziki, vol. 7, no. 1, 2010, pp. 107–115.

9. Armah, A. The Eloquence of the Scribes: A Memoir on the Sources and Resources of African Literature. Popenguine, Sénégal: Per Ankh, 2006.

10. Armah, A.K. Osiris Rising: A Novel of Africa Past, Present and Future. Popenguine, Sénégal: Per Ankh, 1995.

11. Musengezi, H.G. The Honourable MP. Gweru: Mambo Press, 1984.